登陆注册
20062400000032

第32章 CHAPTER VII. FINISHING THE WORK(3)

The presidency was obviously modeled after the governorship of the individual States, and yet the incumbent was to be at the head of the Thirteen States. Rufus King is frequently quoted to the effect that the men of that time had been accustomed to considering themselves subjects of the British king. Even at the time of the Convention there is good evidence to show that some of the members were still agitating the desirability of establishing a monarchy in the United States. It was a common rumor that a son of George III was to be invited to come over, and there is reason to believe that only a few months before the Convention met Prince Henry of Prussia was approached by prominent people in this country to see if he could be induced to accept the headship of the States, that is, to become the king of the United States. The members of the Convention evidently thought that they were establishing something like a monarchy. As Randolph said, the people would see "the form at least of a little monarch," and they did not want him to have despotic powers. When the sessions were over, a lady asked Franklin:

"Well, Doctor, what have we got, a republic or a monarchy?" "A republic," replied the doctor, "if you can keep it."

The increase of powers accruing to the executive office necessitated placing a corresponding check upon the exercise of those powers. The obvious method was to render the executive subject to impeachment, and it was also readily agreed that his veto might be overruled by a two-thirds vote of Congress; but some further safeguards were necessary, and the whole question accordingly turned upon the method of his election and the length of his term. In the course of the proceedings of the Convention, at several different times, the members voted in favor of an appointment by the national legislature, but they also voted against it. Once they voted for a system of electors chosen by the State legislatures and twice they voted against such a system. Three times they voted to reconsider the whole question.

It is no wonder that Gerry should say: "We seem to be entirely at a loss."

So it came to the end of August, with most of the other matters disposed of and with the patience of the delegates worn out by the long strain of four weeks' close application. During the discussions it had become apparent to every one that an election of the President by the people would give a decided advantage to the large States, so that again there was arising the divergence between the large and small States. In order to hasten matters to a conclusion, this and all other vexing details upon which the Convention could not agree were turned over to a committee made up of a member from each State. It was this committee which pointed the way to a compromise by which the choice of the executive was to be entrusted to electors chosen in each State as its legislature might direct. The electors were to be equal in number to the State's representation in Congress, including both senators and representatives, and in each State they were to meet and to vote for two persons, one of whom should not be an inhabitant of that State. The votes were to be listed and sent to Congress, and the person who had received the greatest number of votes was to be President, provided such a number was a majority of all the electors. In case of a tie the Senate was to choose between the candidates and, if no one had a majority, the Senate was to elect "from the five highest on the list."

This method of voting would have given the large States a decided advantage, of course, in that they would appoint the greater number of electors, but it was not believed that this system would ordinarily result in a majority of votes being cast for one man. Apparently no one anticipated the formation of political parties which would concentrate the votes upon one or another candidate. It was rather expected that in the great majority of cases--"nineteen times in twenty," one of the delegates said--there would be several candidates and that the selection from those candidates would fall to the Senate, in which all the States were equally represented and the small States were in the majority. But since the Senate shared so many powers with the executive, it seemed better to transfer the right of "eventual election" to the House of Representatives, where each State was still to have but one vote. Had this scheme worked as the designers expected, the interests of large States and small States would have been reconciled, since in effect the large States would name the candidates and, "nineteen times in twenty," the small States would choose from among them.

同类推荐
热门推荐
  • 情剑山河

    情剑山河

    家国之争,两岸恩仇,孰是孰非,谁能评说?尘封的史册间,又有多少不为人知的爱恨纠葛,血泪伤痛?文武兼修,
  • 冷雪之谜

    冷雪之谜

    内容很搞笑,结局很悲伤。中间不要笑,结局不要哭。
  • 浪潮曲

    浪潮曲

    作者从创作的散文中选收了三十一篇文章,散文集从不同侧面反映了部队的斗争生活,语言清新、朴实,具有较浓郁的生活气息。
  • 一夜皇后

    一夜皇后

    三年前离诺殇弑君夺位,太子离落凡被废贬为靖陵王,太子妃楚琉璃惊伤过度而早逝。手握兵权的楚家惨遭灭门之灾。楚氏小女、新皇后楚阡陌悲愤之下在新婚夜火烧凤鸾殿,一心寻死却被神医未离歌所救。三年后,为报血仇,楚阡陌换了面容,改名为卿墨,应选入宫,由此踏出了复仇的第一步,殊不知,这一步令她万劫不复……阴谋里的爱情绝望而凄美,沉浮纠缠红尘间,孰料痴情错付?当繁华落尽,伫立于九重宫阙之上的女子,她能与谁共老?蓦然回首,荒芜来时路……
  • 三神至尊

    三神至尊

    鬼脸红云手石依凡,鬼影金鸾枪康少鸿,鬼泪紫桃枝赵琪英。三神至尊。
  • 微成长

    微成长

    三个性格截然不同的好朋友展开,以相对幸福的优等生艾莉的亲身经历和雕琢来完成几段成长故事,拼凑起她们共同的青春。
  • 愿为奴妃

    愿为奴妃

    皇帝算什么,本小姐就是不喜欢当皇后,不管你说什么山珍海味,美味佳肴,我只求和我的小奴隶长相厮守在一起。皇帝哥哥,有能耐你抓我啊,就算你追到天涯海角,我的这颗心依旧和他在一起,我就是他唯一的妃……
  • 制霸老公,请放手

    制霸老公,请放手

    她为了保住父亲生前的心血,被迫和他分手。从此他们形同陌路却又日日相见。他和别人相亲高调喊话,让众人关注。“相亲就相亲,我不在乎,我不在乎,我不在乎!”她无动于衷。正式订婚时她却意外出现,包中藏刀。“你敢和别人结婚,我就敢死在当场。”“张兮兮,是不是我把手里的股份给你,你就会和我睡。”他邪魅的问道。“你就不能把股份分几次给我,多睡几次!”捂脸~~
  • 逐鹿英雄

    逐鹿英雄

    这是一个关于阳界武夫,误入冥界。在地狱中展开不一样的修行路。最终成就鬼神,成就不死之身,登临九穹,与昔日师尊魔道新晋魔尊展开激烈角逐的故事!
  • 霸恋皇家极品宠儿

    霸恋皇家极品宠儿

    传说,他每晚必须睡在冰床之上以保持寒凉的体温!他的唇从不和女人接吻,传说,他变态到只宠过一只猫儿…她和他,没有爱,唯有性,和蚀骨的九个契约——神秘契约、晚安契约、生子契约、情fù契约、血祭契约、血祭契约、影子契约、九日契约、北极契约。唇情题记——当爱已成往事,痛却那么清晰。